(由Michael Hogue)

詹姆斯劳动 没有’t think much 昆西研究所:

The idea of 美国异常主义, once a civic faith, now has the ring of the quaint—and not only because America elected a callow bully as president a few years back. You have to go back a very long way—perhaps to the establishment of the institutions of the liberal world order and the Marshall Plan—to find a time when you could confidently say that America’s global role was more exceptionally good than exceptionally bad. In some quarters, the corpse of 美国异常主义 is being prepared for burial. I felt as if I heard the first strains of the funeral music when I read that George Soros and Charles Koch—an icon of liberal globalism and a right-wing libertarian—have teamed up to finance the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, a think tank dedicated to reducing America’s global footprint.

Traub begins and ends his column with references to 美国异常主义, but he never actually defines what he means by it in this article. I have an educated guess what he thinks the phrase refers to, but I have to go back to other things he wrote to know what he’谈论。在这里,他认为这是一个赋予每个人都以同样的方式理解的“civic faith”曾经共享并且不再是。我们最接近的定义是他对时间的推荐“美国的全球职责比异常糟糕更加不错,” but that isn’t exactly what most people have meant by 美国异常主义 in the last decade or so. This isn’Traub第一次部署了这句话,抱怨对外政策现状的批评。早在 四月, he was focusing on progressives and Democratic presidential candidates, but the gist was the same: alas, poor 美国异常主义! In the earlier article, Traub does give us a definition: “与美国革命出生的信仰,美国有一个特殊的命运,将其共和党后​​来的民主和自由价值观传播出境。”他非常担心,许多美国人不再分享这种信念。

One difficulty in talking about 美国异常主义 is that there is no single definition that everyone agrees on. As a description, 美国异常主义 is sometimes supposed to refer to things that have distinguished America from other societies because of the unique course of our national development. Ian Tyrrell 总结它 这边走:

Seymour Martin Lipset, the eminent Stanford political sociologist, made a career investigating the many factors that led to this 美国异常主义. Until his death in 2006, Lipset continued to hold that the U.S. was not subject to the historical norms of all other nations.

在20世纪,它是 最初是斯大林创造的一句话 攻击共产党人表示,美国不会经历社会主义发展阶段。在其他时代,它旨在作为思想特派团的表达和全球权的声明“leadership.”这是美国领导的Madeleine albright版本,因为“我们站得更高,再见”相对于其它的。老鹰队通常更狭隘地用于自主地谈论美国权力的使用,并原谅我们政府不得不遵守与其他人必须遵循的相同规则。这是美国的米特罗尼版本,始终是一个“force for good”那些相信的人“美国异常主义” never apologize for their country in the sense of acknowledging error or making amends for past wrongs. There is another, much older kind of 美国异常主义–约翰昆西亚当斯可能认可的那种–that extols the U.S. as an example of liberty to the world. Richard Gamble contrasted this older 美国异常主义 with the contemporary one beloved of interventionists in a 2012年文章 为了 TAC.:

从古老的特殊主义到新的转变并没有一次发生。约翰昆西亚当斯和他的儿子查尔斯的例子表明,旧的和新的已经存在了很长时间,也许是因为我们开始作为一个人。旧的杰出名人,新的遗物仍然存在新的特殊主义者。但是,旧的曾经占据过美国人的想法,他们是如何从他们来自的地方,以及他们如何与世界其他地方相关的人,现在是新的。威廉格雷厄姆苏联人认为,他目睹了1898年的小费点,何时使用Walter McDougall的形象,美国从承诺的土地转向十字军州。


As these different versions suggest, there is no single 美国异常主义, and the definition is contested and can change over time. One kind of 美国异常主义 may be on the way out, but that could be because it is being replaced by another, older alternative whose time may be coming again.


Similarly, one can be horrified by Trump’s decision to unilaterally abrogate the nuclear deal with Iran without fooling yourself about the danger of Tehran’s decision to blow through caps on uranium enrichment. It’s hard to avoid the conclusion that the 较小的足迹人群 is rearranging the world’s problems in order to fit their doctrine.

我争辩说伊朗’欲望以增加富裕的浓缩’S无情的经济战争是决定废除核交易的直接结果,我们应该关注前者,但不是对非理性的恐惧伴随着关于它意味着什么的。我不’T Think Trick Critics’在昆西研究所或其他任何地方的伊朗政策是“fooling”他们自己在这里潜在的危险。相反,这项政策的最大批评者已经警告了一年的一年,即缩销交易和重新制定制裁可能导致这种不良情况,他们是第一个警告灾难性战争的危险之一。在美国和伊朗之间。 Traub希望将现状的批评者绘制为绝望的天真,但他的目标都不是争论他声称的声称。

他建议“较小的脚印人群正在重新安排世界的问题,以适应他们的学说,”但他只是断言这一点。据我所知,那’不是真的。说这个可能更准确“较小的足迹人群” doesn’t假设所有的“world’s problems”是我们政府解决的责任。许多这些问题必须通过多边合作,尽可能通过多边合作解决,但其他问题可能只需要管理,有些问题是真正的不是我们的业务。如果有一件事是“the 较小的足迹人群”同意,这是美国的许多人都非常糟糕“world’s problems”并倾向于使许多问题通过我们不需要的干预措施更糟。这“较小的足迹人群”描述对于许多反武力进展和保守派希望创造的描述是非常适合的,因为它表明我们的政府将踩到更少的混乱并踩下较少的国家。这就是John Suciny Adams推荐的,这是乔治华盛顿在告别地址建议的,这是未来美国应该做的。


丹尼尔莱森是一位高级编辑 TAC.,他还保持独奏 博客。他已经发表在了 纽约时报书评, 达拉斯晨报, 世界政治评论, Politico杂志, 正统的生活,前门廊共和国,美国现场和文化11,是一本专栏作家 星期。他在芝加哥大学举行了历史博士学位,并居住在兰开斯特。跟着他 推特.